Zara case study Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3750 words

Zara case study - Essay Example erstanding the competitive environment is one of the most useful tools which help in determining the importance of activities taking place in organisation (Mclvor, 2005, p.122). Every organisation makes use of the competitive force to determine the activities. The competitive force also termed as Porters five forces constitute of bargaining power of suppliers, customers, threat of substitutes, threat of new entrant and rivalry among firms (Henry, 2008, p. 80). Bargaining power of supplier: The apparel industry usually has their own suppliers and as result they do not have to depend on external suppliers. In addition there are lot many suppliers available in the apparel industry making the bargaining power low. Also it is not possible for a given supplier to dominate the apparel industry which tends to negatively affect the suppliers power (Data Monitor, 2010, p.16). In case of Zara, the brand gets about 50% of its raw materials from Inditex group and so it does not depend heavily on the external suppliers. Zara however reduces the supplier’s power by working together with the vendors and implementing in the process to make the manufacturing process effective and cost cutting. Therefore maintaining good relationship with its vendors has also helped Zara to lower the power and tilt the games in favour of Zara. Bargaining power of Buyer: buyers are the individual consumers and his fact weakens the negotiation power of the buyer. Retailers differentiate themselves through different style and offers which is being offered by each brands. However in cases where the retailers cannot go for forward integration and as a result the retailers are obliged to offer the consumers with what they demands, strengthening the power of buyers. But in overall case the power remains from moderate to high (Data Monitor, 2010, p.15). The buyer’s power for Zara can be said to be moderate as the consumers are ready to pay a high price for its products. Threat of Substitutes: Garments

Anti Social Personality Disorder Essay Example for Free

Anti Social Personality Disorder Essay During class, a student comes up to a teacher and suddenly pulls a gun to his head. He orders the teacher to strip down. Once the teacher was completely nude, the student aimed at his testicles and pulled the trigger. When everyone realized there were no bullets in the gun, the student alone laughs (Maxmen et al., 1994). People such as this student suffer of antisocial personality disorder. Obviously, it is not simply a disorder that defines the lonely kid in the corner who has no interest in speaking with others, or the social retard that laughs when it is inappropriate. This disorder is dangerous to others because people affected from ASPD are narcissistic and fend for themselves. People of all walks of life can suffer from this disorder, which affects a significant proportion of the population. There are psychosocial and genetic factors to ASPD. The best-shot psychologists have at treating these people, is targeting these psychosocial and genetic factors. This paper aims to investigate the general psycho aspects in ASPD Symptoms and Diagnosis  Maxmen and colleagues (1994) claim that people affected by antisocial personality disorder are generally disrespectful and violate the rights of others. Liu and colleagues (2012) add that family violence is common around ASPD. Moreover, sexual relations are nothing more than self-beneficial. Their selfish sexual desires often lead to the transmission of venereal disease (Maxmen et al., 1994). Here is the DSM criteria for ASPD: A. There is a pervasive pattern of disregard for and violation of the rights of others occurring since age 15, as indicated by three (or more) of the following: 1. Failure to conform to social norms with respect to lawful behaviors as indicated by repeatedly performing acts that are grounds for arrest. 2. Deceitfulness, as indicated by repeated lying, use of aliases, or conning others for personal profit or pleasure. 3. Impulsivity or failure to plan ahead. 4. Irritability and aggressiveness, as indicated by repeated physical fights or assaults. 5. Reckless disregard for safety of self or others. 6. Consistent irresponsibility, as indicated by repeated failure to sustain consistent work behavior or honor financial obligations. 7. Lack of remorse, as indicated by being indifferent or rationalizing having hurt, mistreated, or stolen from another. B. The individual is at least age 18 years of age.  C. There is evidence of Conduct Disorder with onset before age 15. D. The occurrence of antisocial behavior is not exclusively during the course of Schizophrenia or a manic episode. (DSM-IV, 1994) Lack of stimulation and avoidance of boredom explains common symptoms among ASPD, including why they usually have several years of poor job performance, and are forced to change jobs many times. Swann and collegues (2010) add that ASPD mixed with bipolar disorder worsens impulsive symptoms and the course of the illness often speeds up (Maxmen et al., 1994). A fascinating aspect about ASPD, is their psychopathic symptoms. Although they can display normal human emotions such as charm and love, they do not actually feel the depth of those emotions. This even includes emotions such as hate. Some even lack consciousness  otherwise known as superego lacunae. As a result, their relationships are usually narcissistic ones that generally do not tend to last long (Maxmen et al., 1994). Unfortunately, ASPD have shorter life expectancies. Many die of violent related events such as fights and murders. As previously mentioned, their sexually transmitted diseases also sometimes weigh into their shorter life expectancies. ASPD is often linked with alcoholism and depression. They suffer of a 5 % suicide rate. As such extreme low points of ASPD, some may seek treatment (Maxmen et al., 1994). However, Perry and colleagues (2013) studied how another consistent symptom prevents many ASPD from seeking treatment. He studied immature defence mechanisms used by ASPD. Among them are omnipotence, devaluation and denial against experience of self of awareness. They create split off self-images, whereby they perceive differently than how they would be perceived by others. Indeed, they are aware of their actions, but create a different self-image to justify their actions. Their omnipotence has an important role in devaluing the opinions and perceptions of others, which strengthens their flawed image (Perry et al., 2013). Prevalence and incidence Studies claim that ASPD affects a significant proportion of the population. The percentage is as high as 5.4 % of males and 1.2 % of women. Amongst the Psychiatric population: 5-15% of males and 1-3 % of females. ASPD is most prevalent amongst lower socioeconomic groups (Maxmen et al., 1994). Etiology Maxmen and colleagues (1994) believe psychosocial factors are the main cause for occasional ASPD. However, consistent ASPD deal with an additional factor of genetics. Firstly, amongst sociological factors is poverty. Regardless of the high proportion of prevalence of ASPD amongst lower socioeconomic groups, poverty is not the sole cause. More importantly, the majority of poor people do not become sociopaths. Familial factors have been considered. Growing up amongst a violent family may lead to the development of ASPD in the children. Shi and colleagues (2012) add the quality of early childcare is a predictor of ASPD. They discovered that behaviours such as motherly silent interaction or withdrawals and no greetings were indicators that provoked the development of ASPD (Maxmen et al., 1994). Basolu and colleagues (2011) reinforced the genealogical case by linking ASPD to a special kind of gene. It is synaptosomal-associate protein 25 (SNAP25) gene polymorphisms. When this gene, linked with attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder and personality, was tested to find links with other disorders, researchers found a connection to ASPD. This means there is a genealogical factor to ASPD (Basolu et al., 2011). Treatment Unfortunately, before diving into the treatment, all sources burst any bubble of hope to cure ASPD since it is difficult to treat. As discussed in the symptoms, ASPD rely on the immature defence mechanisms to carry on their lifestyles. Before they receive treatment, ASPD must want to seek help, which is easier said than done since they have justified their actions most of their life. Nevertheless, many burn out due to their narcissistic life styles,  and seek treatment. Psychotherapy has not usually helped. Therapists have to deal with ASPD’s Ego Syntonic behaviour. ASPD justify their behaviour and resent authority including the therapist. Therapists’ strategies involve the â€Å"Tough Love†: A method that involves showing care but not letting the subject view himself as vulnerable for the ASPD to capitalize on the psychologist’s perceived weakness. If the patient is on trial at the same time as he is in therapy, counselling must not influence the sentence so that therapy remains constructive and not manipulative. ASPD should also reduce substance abuse, which can increase the symptoms if used (Maxmen et al., 1994). The key treatment lies within prevention. If the condition gets detected early enough, therapist and the family can increase the chances of cure or prevention. Family counselling is rather important because they learn how to deal with their manipulated emotions from hate to guilt. Common sense and guidelines can help. Shia and colleagues (2012) add that targeting motherly behaviour in crucial areas that can reduce risk of ASPD (Maxmen et al., 1994). ASPD is a dangerous disorder. People can be manipulated by ASPD as they can act like a normal individual. They often carry sexual diseases from their multiple sexual relations caused by their lack of stimulation. They live this life protected by their childish defence mechanisms. ASPD affect a significant part of the population: up to 5 % in males. Psychosocial and genetics factor into the etiology of the disorder. Finally, the key treatment of this difficult disorder lies in the prevention and early detection. As research of ASPD improves, treatments will be the primary focus of therapists.

Genre is useful for audiences

Genre is useful for audiences Compare examples of genre texts from different decades of any media genre of your choice. Genre is useful for audiences as it enables them to differentiate between the styles and types of narrative, allowing them to decide on what they enjoy. Producers benefit from genre as they can see what is most successful at the current time, and, therefore, make more of the same to capitalise on profit. Due to the ongoing existence and progression of genre, certain changes occur in film, but yet they remain reflective of the genre they are in. This observation is supported by Steven Neales description, that genre operates as a â€Å"repetition of difference†. Subtle differences may appear on screen, but the underlying repertoire of elements are exclusively the same. I will be considering the science fiction genre, within which, the films Invasion of the Body Snatchers, The Invasion, and The Faculty will be discussed. These films are recognisable as being part of the science fiction genre due to the inclusion of aliens in all three texts. This is a common trend within the genr e and is apparent in countless other films. The repetition of such ideas is noticeably popular with audiences, who have consumed similar texts for decades. Audiences like this repetition as it fits into their schema, complying with the ideologies and values of previous texts which they have enjoyed.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  However, genres do not endlessly repeat themselves. Instead, they evolve, adopting new conventions and narratives to excite the audience. This variation is well-liked by audiences who would become bored of watching the same thing over and over again. The repetition of difference allows the audience to enjoy the particular genre whilst being entertained by the application of new elements. The diverse nature and imagination of science fiction allows difference to be introduced with greater success than any other genre.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Haywards theory, that genres are not static but â€Å"shifting and slippery†, can be confidently implicated into the discussion, as they do not remain the same but adjust due to the audience and society at the time. This notion can be further enforced by theorist Toamshevsky, who suggested that â€Å"no firm logical classification of genre is possible. Their demarcation is always historical, that is to say, it is only correct for a moment of history†. This theory proposes that films produced as part of the science fiction genre, reflect attitudes, worries and conflicts within society at a given time.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The texts held in question all exhibit differences due to the influences of historical contexts that were apparent at the time. Invasion of the Body Snatchers is manifestly a metaphor of society during the Cold War, with the pod people representing Russian communists. The 2007 remake, The Invasion, adopts different aspects as a result of society at this time. The anxieties present in this era are disease, infection and the idea that science is foolishly breaking boundaries, represented in The Invasion by a virus that turns people into an inhuman being. The faculty is more complex as it does not involve concerns of the present society. Instead, The Faculty presents a postmodern view of humanity through its self-referentiality; drawing attention to its own construction which offers little comment on social issues.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Neale supports Toamshevskys point and suggests that genre creates meaning in a fluid way. Genre can only make sense in relation to a variety of contextual factors. The contextual factors of institution, censorship, technology and gender representation have all affected these texts and created differences between them. Invasion of the body Snatchers was produced by Walter Wanger, who had an interest in topically political material, being responsible for the making of the anti-fascist film Blockade in 1938. The films screenwriter Mainwaring was even blacklisted himself as a communist sympathiser. Furthermore, the script was rewritten by Richard Collins, a former Communist Party functionary and co-author of the once notorious Song of Russia. These institutional aspects of the film clearly show its intentions and ideologies as being pro-communism, making a satirical attack on McCarthyism. The Invasion was produced by Warner brothers and therefore has values in keeping with traditional America. The narrative of this film concludes with the uninfected triumphing over the alien life form and restoring the world to its previous state. This clearly shows the difference in values as the ending is so definite, whereas in Body Snatchers the ending is not completely resolved, with the imagination of the audience determining the real outcome. The Faculty appears to struggle in commenting on the real world we live in until the very end of the film. We can see this ending as an ironic parody through Frederick Jamesons definition of the term, as The Faculty ‘mocks rather than plunders from tradition therefore interrogating other texts that it mimics. We ask questions about the way the narrative ends as it makes no sense, with everybody becoming better people due to the experience and contradicting there former characters.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Censorship has shaped the three texts dramatically, having restricted the content of some and enabling others to show more varied footage. Invasion of the Body Snatchers was produced in 1956, a time where society was shielded from ‘unacceptable material by the MPDDA, therefore limiting the footage that could be shown, and which could be perceived as entertaining by the audience, for example violence, nudity and swearing. The Invasion and The Faculty, however, have not been affected by such rigorous censoring, being produced in a more lenient society. This has allowed both films to include more disturbing scenes such as the alien in The Faculty and the process by which humans are converted into aliens in The Invasion.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Technology also plays a significant part in recognising the differences between the texts. Invasion of the Body Snatchers lacks impressive, large scale scenes partly due to the deficiency of technology but also due to the economic context, as films were made on a much lower budget than they are today. Body Snatchers cost a modern day equivalent of 4 million dollars whereas The Invasion cost a massive 80 million dollars. These economic differences have allowed films produced in the 21st century to be much more impressive in appearance than those created decades ago. The Faculty consisted of many scenes that relied heavily on special effects. However, the methods used could clearly be seen as fake and even comical. This may have been solely due to its postmodern influences but may also have been due to the standard of technology at the time. The Invasion includes much more realistic examples of technology in use, such as the shuttle falling to Earth and the suffocat ing green mucus that covers the peoples faces.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Representations of gender are very different in the three texts. Body Snatchers clearly portrays a patriarchal society where men are the bread winners and women are the housewives. Miles Bennell is the Proppian hero who is slowed down and hindered by his partner Becky Driscoll who has no relevance to the plot, ultimately becoming an alien and betraying Miles. The Invasion, however, swaps these roles, making the women the hero and the man the burden. This can be accounted for through the second wave of feminism in the late 1960s, characterised by the growing revolt by women against their oppression as a sex. The idea of the crisis of masculinity is also encompassed within the film as men, such as Daniel Craig and Kidmans ex-husband Jeremy Northam, appear week, being dominated by Kidmans character and eventually overcome.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Neales theory that genre exists through the repetition of difference is highly justifiable when looking at Invasion of the Body Snatchers, The Invasion and The Faculty. All three films are extremely familiar with the two most recent films taking their ideas directly from the 1956 classic. The Faculty is a repetition of Body Snatchers due to its close compliance with the texts narrative and conventions of alien organisms, as well as the fact that it makes direct references to Body Snatchers consistently throughout the film. The Invasion is a remake of Body Snatchers, therefore existing exclusively due to the earlier film. It does however have differences to the original to make it more exciting and more in keeping with contemporary society, which has greater appeal to audiences. For these reasons Neales theoretical framework is valid, as are the additional views of Hayward and Toamshevsky.

Early Roman History Essay -- History

Early Roman History As Greece reached the height of its prosperity Rome which lye slightly to the west slowly began its rise as a civilization. The Greeks centered their culture around Art and literature whereas opposed to the Romans who settled their culture upon warfare and leadership. Without planning, would rise very steadily as an empire. Shortly before Christ most of the surrounding cities and nations were at peace under Rome's rule. Early Romans kept no written records. Their history is so mixed up with fables and myths that historians have difficulty distinguishing fact from fiction. Historians only know of two early works of Roman history, the history of Livy and the Roman Antiquities of Dionysius of Halicarnassus. The old legends say that Romulus founded the city in 753 BC. Romulus was a mythical person, but there is some evidence that the kings who are said to have followed him actually existed. Shortly before 600 BC several Etruscan princes from conquered Rome across the Tiber River. Taraquinius Priscus, the first of the Etruscan kings, drained the city’s marshes. Servius Tullius, the second Etruscan king, made a treaty with the Latin cities, which acknowledged Rome as the head of all Latium. The last king, Tarquinius Superbus, was a tyrant who opposed the people scorned religion. Under the rule of the Etruscans, Rome grew in importance and power. Great temples and impressive public works were constructed. Trade prospered and by the end of the 6...

Political Parties in Nigeria Essay

Democracy no doubt is the world’s current new bride. To the extent that everyone – Politicians, Journalists, statesmen and even laymen – call themselves democrats while those who wish to defend a regime no matter its nature call it democracy (Williams 1995:65), one could aptly say the world is in the age of democracy. But as democracy is gaining currency the world over, it need be stated that the Institution of political party constitutes the lubricant of the current democratic wave. This is because, political parties serves as vehicle for expressing myriad of world views held by citizens as well as an instrument to garnering the informed and active participation of the citizens in the political process which constitutes the hallmark of any democratic practice. As noted by Hague and Harrop (1987:141-142), party competition is the hallmark of liberal democracy because it is the device which makes governments responsive to the electorates by providing voters with s ome choice while simultaneously restricting that choice to a few broad alternatives. In other words, the greater the number of parties and / or the latitude of freedom, the more democratic the political system is or becomes while the the more they are conscripted, the lesser the likelihood of a democratic political system. This view was also shared by Anifowoshe (2004: 59) when he noted that the condition of the political parties in a political system is the best possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. It must however be stated that while parties constitute the piston in the engine of democracy, the nature and activities of political parties themselves may constitute a stumbling block in the way of democratic growth and sustenance. This has been the paradox of party politics in Africa where the institution has remained largely underdeveloped. Instances abound where activities of parties have been a major factor in the decline of democratic politics or outright termination of democratic administrations and their subsequent replacement by military authoritarian regimes. In this context, the Nigerian state is a reference point. Nigeria became independent in 1960 after years of colonial rule. Independence ushered in a multi party democracy under a Westminster parliamentary model. However, due to a number of circumstances including intra and inter party bickering and, political excesses of parties and their leaders among others, the first democratic republic was truncated in January 1966 following a bloody coup detat championed by the five Majors. The abrupt termination of the first republic also ushered in a thirteen-year long military rule that lasted till October 1, 1979. Nigeria had another taste of multiparty democracy between October 1979 and 31st December 1983. However, like most of the parties of this period themselves, the problems of the first republic reincarnated to mare the democratic processes, culminating in the military coup of December 31st 1983 and the beginning of a second phase of military rule in the country. Indeed, the second phase of military rule in Nigeria which lasted between December 1983 and May 29, 1999 was the most dramatic and traumatic in the history of the country. It was a period mostly characterized by series of coups and counter coups, political maneuverings and above all, endless transition to civil rule programmes or what Diamond et al (1997) has aptly dubbed ‘Transition without End’. But while the political imbroglio of that period cannot be blamed out-rightly on the excesses of political parties and their leaders, the need to avoid such was always advanced as a defensive mechanism for continuous tinkering with the then transition process. For instance, reasons for dissolution of the 13 political associations that first prelude the third republic and their consequent replacement by government created SDP and NRC and, annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that eventually calumniated in the abortion of the third republic were carefully crafted under the need to avoid repeat of mistakes of the past republics. Detailed work on this has been done by scholars and need not be recounted here (See, Diamond et al 1997). However, what must be stressed here is that, Nigeria’s current democratic experience was the end product of a long and tortuous journey through the woods of military autocracy. Although the decade of the 90’s generally was characterized by external pressures for democratization around the world, the resilience and perceptions (rightly or wrongly) by Nigerians that democracy holds prospect for a better life was also a major factor that sustained the struggle. Also, perhaps, in acknowledgment of the sanctity of the party institution to democratic sustenance, the country has continued to operate a â€Å"growing† multiparty democracy since 1999. Thus, from three parties in 1999, it currently has over thirty political parties with prospects of more to be registered. Against this long background, this paper seeks to examine the role of parties in sustaining Nigeria’s democracy. Further to this are: To what extent do Nigerian political parties conform to their expected role in the political system or in sustaining democracy? What are the encumbrances (if any) on their performance in Nigeria? What is / are to be done to place Nigerian political parties on the part of vibrancy vis-à  -vis democratic sustenance? Unraveling these problematic calls for rigorous inquiry. But to start with, situating the role of parties in a universal context is essential. Political Parties and Democracy: Theoretical Framework Political party is one of the genuses of intermediary groups in a political system. Others include interest groups and pressure groups. Thus, the relationship between viable political party and democratic governance is no doubt axiomatic. Political parties are the lubricant of democracy and without which, democracy based on the western model cannot function (Adele 2001:35). This is essentially because it provides a credible means of harnessing the variety of public opinions essential in sustaining a democratic society. While democracy rests on the informed and active participation of the people, political party is a viable tool in this regard. This perspective is shared by political scientists. As Anifowoshe (2004:59) remarked: Democracy exists where the principal leaders of a political system are selected by competitive elections in which the bulk of the population have the opportunity to participate. As a matter of fact, the condition of the parties, in a political system, is the b est possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. Implicit in the above statement is that a party’s level of institutionalization, cohesion and social base, determines the extent of its viability and the extent to which it could be said to be performing its functions in a democracy. In other words, viable political parties contribute to democratic growth much as unviable ones may result in democratic regression. Although there are myriad of definitions on what constitutes a political party, yet they all revolve around electioneering and the control of government. For instance, political parties has been conceived as an instrument for contesting elections for the purpose of selecting candidates and party(ies) to exercise political power (Yaqub 2002:122). This definition is in consonance with that which sees political party as an organization, which is principally, absolutely and actively involved, in the electoral process, in a democracy, with the major intent of winning political power and controlling the government (Onuoha 2 003:137). The import of these definitions is that the major goal of political party is to capture and control governmental powers. This it does through participation in electoral process in which it fields candidates to contest for various posts. Yet, it must be stated that while the major goal of a political party is to capture and maintain control over personnel and policies of government, such at times may have to be done in coalition with other party(ies). This is especially the case where electoral victory is not based on ‘first past the post’ system or where a single party could not win the minimum electoral seats necessary for it to constitute a government. However, beyond fielding candidates for elections and controlling governmental apparatuses, political parties also perform other functions which on the one hand set them aside from other organizations such as interest groups and more importantly on the other hand, makes them sine qua non for democratic development. These include; the task of political recruitment and training, education, socialization, breeding consensus, providing alternative world views and political communication among others (see Okoosi-simbine 2004:85-86; Yaqub 2002:112; Aina 2002:10-12, Onuoha 2003:137). It is the extent to which parties are able to discharge these functions that determine the extent of democratic growth in the country. Important in carrying out the above functions is that part ies especially in culturally variegated societies such as Nigeria must eschew those intervening variables that are likely to mar programmes and policies of the party such as salience of ethnic, religious or other sectional interests. Where this is not avoided, the tendency is that a party will find it considerably difficult in harnessing or mobilizing mass support for democratic growth. The emphasis here is that parties are formed not only to promote policies but also to secure social interests. It therefore follows that parties must have broad social bases in order to be able to aggregate interests rather than articulation of specific sectional ones. Also central to democratic growth through the party system is party institutionalization. That is, the process by which parties become established and acquires value and enduring stability (Huttington, 1965:394). Although the extent of party institutionalization varies with party systems the world over, it is usually measured based on some factors such as party age, count of splits and mergers, electoral stability, legislative stability and leadership change (Janda, 1993:167). Of equal importance is party coherence, which has been defined as the degree of congruence in the attitudes and behaviour of party members’ (Janda 1980:118; 1993:173). There is no gainsaying the fact that the degree of coherence among party members bears direct relevance to party strength and stability. This is because a strong and coherent party in terms of membership and structure is usually stronger and coordinated both in articulating view and garnering electoral support than are fragmented one. It is also the factor of coherence that enable parties to effectively discharge the function of National integration which they are expected to perform especially in plural societies. It must be stressed that, while parties in the advanced countries of Europe and America, are observed to have attained the status described above, those in the developing countries tend to be a little far from it. In other words, political parties in the developing countries cannot be ranked on equal scale with those of the advanced countries in terms of viability of the institution. Hence, it could be reasoned that the difference between the two worlds accounts for the different levels of democratic growth between them (e.g. Nigeria and USA). Although Nigeria has returned to democratic practice since 1999, yet there is a growing concern over the sustenance of its democracy. These concerns obviously owe their origin to the nature of political parties and party politics or activities in the country. Issues surrounding this dilemma are examined next but before this, description of the character and general tendencies of current political parties is essential. Roles and Functions of Political Parties From various literature on political party, it is evident that democracy, especially the liberal majoritarian version would be practically impossible without the institution of political party. This no doubt is anchored on the expected roles of political parties in deepening the democratic process. One major role expected of any political party is the task of political recruitment and education. The centrality of this function lie is the fact that it is directly connected with fulfillment of the common aim of all parties. That is, the aim of fielding candidates for election and capturing or exercising political power either singly or in cooperation with other parties (see, Yaqub 2002:164; Ball 1988:73). In other words, in the process of trying to capture political power, political parties serves as a major instrument/platform through which candidates for public offices are recruited at all levels. This is the case in both socialist as well as competitive liberal democracies. According to Ball (198:77), in such political systems where parties are absent (such as in zero party situation) or weak, political elites are usually recruited from traditional elites or through religious and military organizations. However, such sources of recruitment usually have implications for stability of the regime because they lack the more popular base of political parties. In other words, the institution of political party provides an avenue for recruiting politically ambitious persons into the political elite class. In this, we can also accommodate parties’ role as a credible means of political succession. This is because parties would have narrowed down the number of competitors for a particular office to what it considered the best choice at the material time. This process help reduce pressures on the political system as well as streamline citizens choice. In addition, in the process of campaigns for elections, parties inform and educate the public on important s tate policies and actions much as they do while in power. Even for parties out of power, they provide a constant source of critique of government policies which attimes help to change, modify or improve the quality of policies and programmes. Related to the task of recruitment and education is the role of parties as socializing agents. Generally speaking, most conceptions of socialization agreed that it is a process by which individuals incorporate into their own attitudinal and behavioural patterns, the way of their respective social groups and society (Babawale, 1999:218). If this is true, it follows that in the course of preparing candidates for elections, campaigns and other political activities, the individual within the society is acquiring some attitudinal or behavioural patterns necessary to make a politically vibrant individual. In addition, knowledge about political institutions and processes are acquired and internalized by the individual. Perhaps, this informed why political socialization have been conceived as all formal and informal explicitly or nominal political learning at every stage of the life circle that affects political behaviour, such as learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the acq uisition of politically relevant personality characteristics (Greenstein, quoted in Babawale 1999:219). Another major role of political parties in any political system is in the area of serving as link between rulers and the ruled through what is known as political communication. That is, parties provide a means of expression and information flow, both upward and downward, in any political system. Although, the flow of information is crucial to the survival of any political system, the direction of information flow however varies. For instance, in a liberalized multiparty system, there is tendency for information flow to be tilted more in favour of upward flow. This would allow the ruling party to feel the pulse of the populace as well as respond positively to policy demands. But even for parties out of power, it has a tendency to reinforce collective consciousness of party members and strengthen the level of attachment to the party. On the other hand, where there is a single party, the tendency is that information flow will be more from the top to the bottom. For instance, Hague and Harrop (1987: 140) had noted that in Stalin’s Russia, ‘the democratic’ expression of opinion from the grassroots of the Communist Party was negligible compared with the â€Å"centralist† flow of directive from the top. This notwithstanding, what is important is that, irrespective of the strength or direction of information flow, political parties have the onerous role of serving as a two-way communication process between the government and the people. The formulation and implementation of collective goals is yet another major function of parties. This is because in the process of seeking to capture power, they formulate programmes and policies either through conventions, meetings and even manifestoes which they hope to implement while in office. Some of these issues eventually constitute the collective goals of the society. Related to this is the mobilization role of parties. Indeed, parties are known to have been in the vanguard of mobilizing the citizens. This they do through mass rallies and other forms of display of unity that emphasizes identification between the individual and the party. Hague and Harrop (1987:140) noted that, parties have been the prime movers in the revolutionary upheaval of the modern age. They alluded that the enormous transformations of Russia and Chinese societies in the last century were led by vanguard communist parties committed to radical social changes. So also were the nationalist parties of the third world who played critical role in the attainment of independence and the subsequent attempt to weld new nations out of traditional societies (Hague and Harrop 1987:140-141). In the process of developing collective goals, parties also serve as important agents of articulating and aggregating the myriad of groups and individual interests in the society. Although this is not an exclusive function of political parties as it is also performed by interest groups, but parties are able to do this on a wider and / or national scale. Indeed, all parties have social base that cuts across ethnic, religious, occupational and class divides. It thus serves as a platform through which the diverse interest base are articulated and aggregated to form coherent whole. The underlying assumption here is that parties are able to synthesize and reconcile the multitude of competing interests into a broad national value. It must however be stated that this function of political parties, though important, need not be stressed too far. This is because, most often, parties mainly respond to interests and demands that are consistent with their ideology or in line with controlling int erests in the party. In this context, parties are important agencies in determining which interests are represented in politics and which ones are left out. From discussions so far, it is apparent that the relationship between political parties and democratic sustenance is axiomatic. Indeed, the various roles performed by political parties in the political system are expected to strengthen the democratic processes. This demand also implies that political parties and political leaders must in themselves be democratic. What this translates to is that the extent to which individuals within the party and the party organization itself assimilate democratic tenets to a large extent affects the extent to which they are able to discharge the above roles as well as the quality of democratic growth in the political system. In other words, having democrats is precondition for democracy to take root. How these intricacies of party politics and democratic sustenance have played themselves out in Nigeria will be our next focus after a preview of political parties in the country’s current fourth republic. Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic Political parties in Nigeria’s fourth republic emerged against the background of a military managed transition prograamme which began in 1998 and reached its climax on May 29, 1999 when a new civilian administration was ushered in (see Momoh and Thoeveni 2001). Before this experience, Nigeria has had previous democratic republics between 1st October 1960 when it gained political independence from Britain and January 1966 when it was rudely terminated in a military coup; another one was between October 1, 1979 and December 31, 1983 while a third one was not allowed to take root in the early 1990s because it was eventually truncated by its own architect. What is remarkable about all the republics is that, with the exception of the aborted third republic which had only two parties dejure, all others were characterized by multiparty system. Extensive work on previous republics have been done by Coleman (1971); Joseph 1991; Diamond et al 1997; Ujo 2000 and Yaqub 2002). To begin with, parties in Nigeria’s current fourth republic have been characterized by what could be described as a seesaw numerical transition. This was because, at inception of political activities in 1998, several political associations were registered (though provisionally) as political parties but was later prone down to three before the 1999 elections and by 2003, several others came back on the stage. This numerical transition deserves extensive comment. Upon commencement of political activities in 1998, close to fifty political associations sprang up but at the close of nominations, only twenty-four of them had applied for registration with INEC. After thorough scrutiny, only nine of these parties were formally registered (provisional) by INEC according to its guidelines. These are Alliance for Democracy (AD), All Peoples Party (ANPP), Democratic Alliance Movement (DAM), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), United Democratic Party (UDP), United Peoples Party (UPP) and Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ). However, the future and continuous existence of these parties was tied to passing the acid test. To continue to exist and function as a political party, a parting was expected to score at least, a minimum of five (initially ten) percent of the total votes in at least 24 states of the federation during the December 1998 local governments elections. Thus, of the nine parties, only the APP and PDP clearly met the criteria having scored at least five percent in over 24 states of the federation each. The AD was third with 5 percent of votes in 14 states of the federation. However, in addition to the APP and PDP, the AD was also registered partly to assuage the south westerners who were still aggrieved by the June 12, 1993 election imbroglio and most importantly, because of provisions of the electoral laws that the third best party would also be registered in the event of only two parties meeting the recruitments. Consequently, based on the modified criterion, the AD, APP and PDP were registered to contest the 1999 general elections. Following increasing pressures for registration of more parties, three other associations, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), National Democratic Party (NDP) and United Nigeria Peoples’ Party (UNPP), were registered in June 2002 out of over twenty that applied for registration. The registration of these three parties however heightened agitations by those yet to be registered until they were finally registered later in the year. Those factors that made their registration inevitable included subtle blackmail by other associations seeking registration, fragility and growing intra party deputes among existing parties and above all, the resort to litigation by those not registered among others (see, Anifowoshe 2004: 63) Added to this was increasing factionalisation of existing parties. Indeed, the ruling by the Federal Appeal Court in Abuja, FCT, which favoured the registration of more parties, was a major and perhaps most significant factor that prompted registration of more parties by INEC to the extent that about thirty political parties freely contested the 2003 general elections. It must be stated that, although thirty political parties contested the 2003 general elections, the trio of PDP, ANPP and AD have remained dominant since 1999. While the PPD is currently controlling 27 states (previously 28 before the court order that awarded victory of Anambra state governorship election to the APGA candidate earlier this year), the ANPP has seven states and AD, one state. They all however, have their men in the national parliament, though with varying strength. Also, there has been a growing rate of factionalization, crises of succession and internal bickering within the parties. This is with the consequence that more parties and political association have continued to emerge from them to the extent that Nigeria is currently having about 37 political parties with prospects of more to come. The new bride of parties include the ACD, MRDD, Action Alliance †¦ For instance, the rate of factionalization within the ruling PDP have gone to an extent that several factions have emerged as new parties on their own. This was the case with the MRDD spearheaded by a former national chairman and other prominent members of the party. The same account could be read for the recently formed ACD which from all indications is spearheade by imcubent Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Indeed, the PDP is not alone in the troubled waters of dissent. Even notable members of the AD and ANPP are now either full members of one of the newly registered parties or fraternizing with the intention of becoming one. This was the case with the incumbent protem National Publicity Secretary of ACD, Lai Mohammed, who was hitherto a strong member of the AD. Indeed, in the build up to 2007 general elections, there seem to be general disarray among political parties in the country. While new parties have emerged after 2003 general elections, there is nothing to suggest that more will not spring up before the next 2007 elections. But if the deepening or defense of democracy is a prime factor which politicians have always adduced for the alignment and realignment of forces leading to formation of new parties, to what extent have Nigerian political parties with its increasing numbers satisfied this aspiration? Or better still to what extent have they fulfilled the expected roles of parties in a democracy necessary for deepening the process? This is our prime concern in the next section. Nigerian Parties and Democratic Consolidation Perhaps a good way to access the impact of parties on democratic sustenance is to align our thought in this direction with the expected roles of parties in a democracy. Indeed, Nigerian parties by whatever angle they are looked at are political parties properly so called. At least, to the extent that the common aim, as parties elsewhere, is to capture political power and control machineries of government. By implication therefore, they are practically veritable instruments in the recruitment of political leaders and political elites. In fact, viewed against previous experiences, one would observe an increasing sensitization and political education of Nigerians. However, one must be cautious in stressing this argument too far giving the contradictions inherent in the ways and practices of the parties. This is because, at the facial level, parties may have been recruiting candidates for various elective posts, but beneath we may ask: what is the quality of candidates being recreated? Are the parties democratic in their recruitment process? Obviously, answers to these questions are negative. To anchor this further, we may begin on the premise that to have (or sustain) democracy, first, there must be democrats either as individuals or party organizations. It is obvious that at inception of the current democratic administration in 1999,and with exception of the PDP then which had a consensus candidate in Chief Olusegun Obasonjo, all other two parties were not particularly democratic in selecting their presidential aspirants. For instance, the decision of the A D under the influence of Afenifere, a pan Yoruba socio-cultural organization to select chief Olu Falae as the party’s presidential flagbearer at a meeting held in Ibadan by party elders without allowing proper democratic contest between him and Chief Bola Ige cannot be described as democratic. In fact, the undemocratic nature of what is now the ‘De Rovans Hotel’ episode has been adjudged as a major factor in the crises that has been rocking the party since 1999 (see National Interest June 18 2006:18). So also was the case with the APP between Dr. Olushol Saraki and †¦. The later was eventually selected in a rather spurious manner. Expectedly this action stired controversy within the parties leading to factionalization in the case of the AD and protest votes against the party by Dr Saraki and his supporters in the APP in the 1999 presidential elections. In addition, many of the three parties’ aspirants for other posts were either hand picked or selected in a surreptitious arrangement. Indeed preparations for the 2003 elections witnessed an almost complete disregard of democratic tenets in the process of recruiting candidates for elective offices. Although many of the parties attempted to pick their aspirants, especially presidential nominees, through national conventions, but unfolding events and protests by other aspirants after the conventions smacks of fluidity of the process. The implications of all the above is the increasing factionalization of the parties and rising level of intra party crises. Worrisome as these situations appear, there is nothing yet to suggest advances in democratic direction by the parties even for the 2007 elections. The recent convention of the PDP in which it was resolved (or maneuvered) against the wishes of some other members that its candidates for elections will be by affirmation is a pointer in this direction. Also is the case of the NDP which has already adopted a candidate, Rtd. General Babangida, as its presidential flag bearer for the 2007 election without holding a convention. What we can derive from the above analysis are two fold. First is that a faulty premise cannot produce a sound conclusion. A party whose internal machinery is undemocratic cannot nurture democracy in a larger societal context. Second is that the candidates so recruited have not gone through any democratic training within the party nor tested democratically to ascertain their level of subscription to democratic tenets. In this case, such candidates while in office will likely be intolerant to opposition and above all, perpetuated through undemocratic tendencies. Current unfolding occurrences in the country manifesting in succession crises, third term agenda etc. tend to confirm all the above assertions. In other words, the bottom line remains that, neither Nigerian political parties nor politicians could be regarded as democrats thus cannot effectively and sufficiently contribute to maintaining the system. In terms of political communication and serving as link between the government and the people, Nigerian parties grossly parade a deficit balance in this regard. This is because none of the parties has a functional formal communication channel. The reality is that most of the parties’ structures especially at the grassroots are only vibrant at the approach of elections. After this, they fade away while the party continue to exist only at National and state headquarters. Indeed, the critical ingredients and means of political communication necessary for a vibrant democracy are conspicuously absent in the parties. These include avenues for expression of opinions by citizens, free information flow (upward or downward) among others. These elements help strengthen attachment and loyalty to the party thereby holding prospect for increased political participation. However, Nigerian parties are not forthcoming in this regard. What is apparent is that relations within the parties are mo re of client-patronage relation. Party leaders and elected officers most often become alienated from other party members and even the electorates immediately after election. For the parties in power, the only relation that there from exist between party elites and other members usually is occasional distribution of patronage in order to preserve members support and loyalty while those out of power fizzled away only to re emerge at the approach of another election. For this reasons, harnessing citizens’ initiative or sustaining a vibrant political participation of members becomes difficult with the result of docility in party activities. Indeed, communication is the life wire of any organization the lack of which may result in the organizations eventual death. The party organization and indeed the political system is no exemption in this regard. Perhaps, we can make bold to say that the near zero communication level of Nigerian political parties is a major factor in their inability to institutionalize or funct ion effectively as lubricant of the democratic project. As already noted in this text, parties also play mobilization roles as well as articulate and aggregate the myriad of opinions held by individual and groups within the society. This no doubt facilitates development of collective goals. A careful observation of the Nigerian experience however reveal parties as playing contradictory roles to the above. First, mobilization of citizens has often been limited to periods of electoral campaigns. For Nigerian parties and politicians, election periods are periods to galvanize the people and exhume powerful oratory remarks. The average politician is always willing to visit the nooks and crannies to mobilize and solicit support for the party and candidates. But while this is part of the mobilization function of parties, it need not be confirmed solely to an election period routine. Rather, it is a process that must continue in order to bring out the best from the citizens in terms of input into policies and programmes of the government. But given the psyche of the Nigerian politician and their end-means orientation of politics which is to acquire political power in order to secure economic resources, citizen contribution / input into policies and programmes is of inconsequential effect. This crave for economic security at whatever cost by the political elites could therefore be adduced as a contributing factor to continued non alignment of policies with realities confronting the Nigerian electorates. Another dimension of the faulty mobilization function of parties in Nigeria is that even where they, as elsewhere, have wider social base of support, political maneuverings often create a situation whereby parties resort to politics of ethnic and/or religious mobilization. Indeed, mobilization politics along the lines of ethnic, religious or some other forms of cleavages have been a major character of party politics since independence. For instance most parties of the first republic used divisive mobilization politics to garner electoral support. So also were parties of the second republic. With the exception of AD which is rooted in the south west and maintains affinity with Afenifere, a socio cultural organization in the region, all other parties of the current era could not be said to have their support base restricted to a particular region. However, in the process of electioneering campaigns, many members wittingly or unwittingly often whip ethno-religious sentiments as strategies to mobilize support. Consequently in the prelude to the 2003 general elections, the mood of many Nigerians was that, Religion will play a prominent role in their choice of leaders†¦. Muslim- Christian rivalry was so intense that none of the 30 political parties in the country has managed to develop a firmly national support base. Muslims consider Obasanjo’s ruling peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a Christian party. The all Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) of his nearest rival, Muhammad Buhari is considered by Christians to be a Muslim party (Marahatha Christian Journal, 2003). The emphasis therefore is that, where mobilization is carried on, on a faulty premise, it becomes extremely difficult to articulate and aggregate programmes and policies that serves the national interest. In this context, programmes and policies often articulated are those that are in consistent with that of the dominant interests within the party, be it socio, cultural or economic. In terms of political socialization, it may be argued that there is a tendency for negative socialization among Nigerian political parties. Socialization, conceived in terms of the process by which the individuals incorporate the ways of their respective social groups and society into their individual patterns and behaviour, is expected to be facilitated by political parties through campaigns, rallies and other political activities. In Nigeria, however, this has a negative content arising from series of violence and atmosphere of insecurity that often mare electoral processes in Nigeria. Nigerian parties and politician alike have a penchant for recruiting and making use of political thugs mostly recruited among motor garage boys, unemployed Youths and even Students at moments of campaigns and elections. Such behaviours and orientations which are antithetical to civic culture obviously are imbibed by younger generations. The consequence is that this erodes democratic senses of bargaining and compromise and instead creates the impression that force and crude militancy are the best ways to live and achieve political goals. The negative impacts of the socialization process is already being exhibited at other levels of politics below the state such unionism, especially student unionism. Indeed, student unionism at the tertiary level is expected to evince civic and enlightened qualities by virtue of the place of tertiary institutions in the country. However, a common observable trend in most tertiary institutions in Nigeria is that campus politics has often time been characterized by intolerance, maneuverings, money politics and a host of other negative traits exhibited by Nigerian political parties to the extent that institutions authorities may at times impose sanctions or outright ban on campus political activities. Situations like this no doubt have implications for their future political engagements and by extension, democratic growth in Nigeria. Our endeavour so for has been to trace whether there is an alignment between the expected roles and functions of political parties in sustaining democratic process and the activities of political parties in Nigeria. For one, while the role of parties in democratic sustenance is in controvertible, the Nigerian political parties have not been seen playing these roles. Why is this so is our focus next. Observed Weaknesses of parties in Nigeria From discussions so far, it can be gleaned that the indispensability of political parties to democratic sustenance is not in doubt. What is perhaps worrisome is the ability of Nigerian political parties to function effectively as catalyst for democratic growth. Gleaned from a number of observable trends, some factors serve to explain this unfortunate mess. First we may note ideological emptiness of the parties. Conceived as a set of coherent ideas which guide and tailor behaviour, ideology is expected to fire and sustain inspirations of party members. According to Scruton (quoted in Okoosi-Simbine, 2005:24), parties ideology are moral systems that enshrine the sanctity of contract and promise between them and the electorate because they constitute the political doctrine from which a programme of political action emanates and upon which basis citizens choose how they will like to be ruled. Essentially therefore, parties as organizations with diverse social base must be bounded by such set of common beliefs and ideas in order to help propel a vibrant democratic society. Unfortunately, Nigerian parties and politicians are merely playing survival game. Prime to them from observable trend is the desire to capture and maintain political power irrespective of what this takes. Consequently, this drive to capture power by all means possible tends to erode the performance of other functions necessary for democratic growth. The lack of ideology also serves as conduit for series of political vagrancies that characterized the political terrain. As observed by Aina (2002:19), Nigerian poiticians behave like political bats, changing affiliation in response to perceived fortunes or electoral advantage. Akin to the issue of ideology is what we may refer to as poorly digested manifesto of the parties. The manifesto is basis upon which contract between the rulers and citizens are sealed because it is the representation and/or expression of the political party’s direction, purpose and how it hopes to achieve them while in government (Onuoha 2003:141). It is the party’s statement of intention about how it hopes to achieve good governance. It is therefore the basis upon which performance of an incumbent government can be assessed and balanced against the need for change. Unfortunately, manifestoes of Nigerian political parties have proved to be manifestations of emptiness, similar in content and providing no choice for the citizens. The only difference between them as observed by Okoosi-Simbine (2005:22) is the emphasis they give to the programmes articulated or in a few cases, the strategies for carrying out the objectives. In other words, their manifestoes are more a replica of the other. Again, this close similarity in manifestoes can be hinged on their inability to develop a coherent ideology. As onu0oha (2003:145) rightly observed, any meaningful and functional manifesto must spring from a profound party ideology. Thus, a manifesto without a party ideology is like a body without a soul. In this context, rather than lubri cate democracy, parties constitute more of a burden on democratic practice. Prevalence of primordial sentiment may equaled be adduced as responsible for the inability of Nigerian parties to respond positively to the challenges of democratic sustenance. Indeed, the ability of a party to effectively perform its role especially in multi cultural settings is usually circumscribed by the socio-economic structure of the society. Therefore, since parties are institutions competing for spheres of influence in the socio-economic and political configuration of the society, there is every tendency that there activities will be likely be intertwined with prevalent socio-political sentiments of the society (Suleiman and Muhammad 2006). This is suggestive of current Nigerian parties. Indeed, post independent Nigeria has witnessed party’s base being deeply rooted in ethno-regional and religious sentiments to the extent that the major parties of the first republic (AG, NPC and NCNC) and their second republic successors (especially NPN, NPP and UPN) are often regarded as ethnic pressure groups. While parties of the current fourth republic may not be so deeply rooted in a particular region, nonetheless, the continuous use, overtly or covertly , of ethnic and religious sentiments in party politics reinforces social divisions among the populace which in turn weakens party structure and organization. Needless to stress that, a weak party in terms of internal structure cannot function optimally in deepening the democratic process. We can also speak of poor financial standing of the parties which made them susceptible to hijack by money barons who eventually use them to achieve personal benefits. Politics generally is an expensive activity and the role of money in contemporary Nigerian politics is indeed overwhelming. Although the government, through INEC, is currently financing the parties, but considering the spending pattern of the parties, government finance is generally considered insufficient. Consequently, additional funds are sourced through party financiers that include influential business men, party members in government and so on. For instance, the Plateau state governor, Joshua Dariye, sometime ago claimed he gave the PDP part of the 1.6 billion naira ecological fund he was accused of mismanaging. Similarly, only recently the ANPP caretaker committee chairman and gover nor of Bornu state directed all the seven governors on the platform of the party to contribute 20 million Naira each to the party’s purse within two weeks while all presidential aspirants and senators were to contribute 10 million Naira each towards the administration of the party (The Punch Editorial, †¦June, 2006:16). The implication of this is that Nigerian parties will likely for long be hijacked by money barons who will eventually constitute godfathers within the parties. Second is that credible aspirants who cannot afford to pay the huge sums would have to forget or submerge it while thirdly, internal party democracy becomes jeopardized. The resulting effect of all these is that parties becomes constrained as popular organizations capable of being the vanguard of democratic growth. Rather, they become characterized by frequent conflict and internal party squabbles. Also as a fall out of the above circumstances, programmes and policies that are often articulated and implemented reflect more of the interests of the so-called godfathers rather than that of the formal party organization. Thus, as the International IDEA (2006:8) have noted, given this context, Nigerian party life is characterized by a very low level of debate on policy options. Another observed weakness of Nigerian political partie s is the absence of political education. It is a common fact that Nigerian political parties have not been carrying out programmes aimed at enlightening the populace and even party members. This is because the party organization has been confined to mere instrument of contesting elections. Thus after elections, most of the parties become docile both in terms of recruiting new members and organizing activities to enlighten citizens about the political process. According to the country report on Nigeria by the international IDEA (2006:8), all the parties surveyed do agree that their members are active only during elections. The import of this is that once elections are over, only very few things link the party with its members thus, the expected role of political communication and education wanes out. We may also note the long years of military rule as another factor for the nonperformance of Nigerian political parties. Indeed, Nigeria’s long reign of military rule from 1966 to 1999, except for the brief period of 1979 to 1983, have affected the psyche of the average Nigerian politician. Military rule as it were is undemocratic. But its long reign in Nigeria with all its undemocratic tendencies have walked its way into the subliminal consciousness of most Nigerian. Thus, even though the military is out of power and democracy in place, the legacy of authoritarian tendencies still permeates the orientations and behaviours of the political class. The implications of this are that Nigeria currently has a short supply of tested democrats while democratic institutions remain large underdeveloped. In other words, while the success of any democratic experiment is predicated on the availability of individuals who are democrats in themselves, Nigeria’s long years of military tutelage has done no less than wipe out the last vestiges of democratic qualities among Nigerian politicians. Conclusion So far in this work we have tried to examine the link between political parties and democratic sustenance in Nigeria. It is observed that the institution of political party is indispensable if democracy is to be strengthened. This is by virtue of the various functions they perform which transcend the mere activity of fielding candidates for elections. However, the Nigerian situation is observed to be a deviation from the norm. if anything, Nigerian parties have not only failed in discharging these roles, but are equally working in the direction of democratic regression. In the main, the poor financial base of these parties, lacks of institutionalization, empty ideological content among others are part of their major constraints. Against this background, it is suggested that the government should improve on its funding of these parties in order to avoid their hijack by selfish money barons. Equally, the INEC should put in place mechanisms that would ensure these parties are internally democratic. Internal democracy of the parties no doubt will magnify into useful premise for democracy to thrive in the larger Nigerian society. Above all, there must be the political will by politicians themselves to allow democratic tenets to take root in the country. The above, it is believe are good recipe for democratic sustenance in Nigeria. References Anifowoshe, Remi (2004), ‘Political Parties and Party System in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects’ in Olurode, Lai and Anifowoshe, Remi (eds.) Issues in Nigeria’s 1999 General Elections. Lagos, Nigeria: John West Publications Limited and Rebonik Publications Ltd, pp. 55-78. Diamond, Larry, Kirk-Greene, Anthony H.M and Oyediran, Oyeleye (eds.). Transition without End: Nigeria Politics and Civil Society under Babangida. Ibadan, Nigeria: Vantage Publishers. Babawale, Tunde(1999),’Political Culture and Political Socialization’ in Remi, Anifowoshe and Emenuo, Francis (eds.) Elements of Politics. Lagos, Nigeria: Sam Iwanusi Publications. Pp. 210-225. Ball, Alan (1988), Modern Politics and Government 4th Edition. London: Macmillan Press Coleman, J.S (1971) Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hague, Rod and Harrop, Martin (1987), Comparative Government and Politics: An Introduction. 2nd Edition. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Education Ltd. International IDEA (2006), Nigeria: Country Report Based on Research and Dialogue with Political Parties. Stockholm, Sweden. Janda, Keneath (1993) ‘Comparative Political Parties: Research and Theory’ in Finifter, Ada, W (ed.) Political Science: The State of the Discipline II. Washinton DC: American Political Science Association. Pp.163-191. Joseph, Richard (1991), Prebendal politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Ibadan: UPL Marahatha Christian Journal Online (2003), Religion is Likely to determine Nigeria’s Election. URL: http://www.mcjonline.com/news. Retrieved August 15 2005 Momoh, Abubakar and Thovoethin, Paul-Sewa (2001), An Overview of the 1998 – 1999 Democratisation Process in Nigeria. DPMN Bulletin Online: http://www.dpmf.org (Retrieved January 4 2006) Okoosi-Simbine, Anthony (2005), ‘Political Vagrancy and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’ in Momoh, Abubakar and Godwin, Onu (eds.) Elections and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria. Nigeria: Nigerian Political Science Association pp 17 – 33 Onuoha, Browne (2003), ‘Political Parties and Elections: A Critical Review of Party Manifestoes’ in New Era Foundation, The Grassroots and Political Change in Nigeria. Lagos: Joe – Tolalu Associates pp 137 – 152 Suleiman, A. and Muhammad, A. A. (2006), ‘Religion, Party politics and Democracy: Implications of Religion in Nigeria’s 2003 Presidential Election’ Journal of Development. Vol. 2 no 1 (Forth coming) Ujo, Abdulhamid (2000), Understanding Political Parties in Nigeria. Kaduna: klamidas Publishers Williams, Adebayo (1995) ‘The Fictionalization of Democratic Struggles in Africa: The Nigerian Experience’ in Olowu, Dele; Soremekun, Kayode and Williams, Adebayo (eds.) Governance and Democratization in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books Ltd. Pp. 65-67. Yaqub, Nuhu (2002), ‘Political Parties in the Transition Process’ in Onuoha, Browne and Fadakinte, M. M. (eds.), Transition Politics in Nigeria, 1970 – 1999. London: Malthouse Press limited pp 118 – 134

compromise of 1850 essays

compromise of 1850 essays Compromise Measures of 1850 also known as the Compromise of 1850.This act was a series of five legislative enactment's passed by United States Congress. Many territories from the west were now asking for admittance into the United States as an official state. This brought many questions to the table. Today at a meeting many other states followed California as they applied to enter into the union. This will be a problem for the north and south. Before now there were 15 free states and 15 slave states. Another problem was that the runaway slaves were protected. The south grew very angry and wanted something to be done about it there were no laws to catch the runaway slaves. For many of the slave owners they could not remember whom they looked like. So they came up with ID numbers for their wrist. Former leader of the war hawks Henry Clay, now Senator of Kentucky purposed a compromise. Personally this is a good act for the free states and the slave states. His proposal was in o ur favor that California be a free state and that the slave trade be abolished with Washington D.C. It kept a balance between the slave states and also the free states. For the little babies in the South was that New Mexico be divided into two territories. These territories are New Mexico and Utah. That and these two territories would be by popular sovereignty. Which for the southerner were giving the right to choose for their selves whether they wanted to be slave or free. Clay also, proposed that they would be enforcing the strict new fugitive slave law giving that anytime a runaway slave escapes to the north you must help the slave owners. Congress excepted Henry Clay's plan, but had no effect on the question of slavery. The northerner's called the fugitive slave laws "a hateful statue of kidnappers". Our fellow abolitionist Harriet Beecher Stowe wrote a book called Uncle Tom's Cabin, betraying the cruelty for slave life in the south. The boo ...

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Busniess essays Improving personal communications is very important to today in the fast moving world. The communication process is very important, it is estmated that 80 percent of messages get deport For better results replace You statements with I statements. Say Im concerned...That will bring the person off of the defensive approch. Also discuss things as they happen with out waitng. When you wait things can be losted or forgotten. If you work them out early it will be much easier for you and the other person. Select the right ime and place to discuss something. Like and office away from co-workers or customers or busy phones. So that person has your full attention. Overwhelming other with your self disclosure is not a good idea. You shoudl be open, but dont share too much, too fast. Before sayign anything consider these three things. 1. Is the statement true? 2. Is the statement necessary? 3. Is the statement kind? Be aware of your nonverble cues. Cues give you away easy. Example, hesitation in your voice, expression of doubt on your face, and a long pause. The emotion you give is how intrested you are. doing this their is filters example. Sender (You)-Sender Filters *Semantics{upersonal communications is very important to today in the fast moving world. The communication process is very important, it is estmated that 80 percent of messages get distorted or lost. Impersonal communication is not always the right way to speak with people. This would be fax, e-mail,bulliton board, voice mail and manuals etc. Interpersonal communications is a verbal exchange of thoughts or imformation between two or more people, and through this it allows people to give feedback on what they have to say or ideas they would like to share. In Communications theirs always (You) Message Sender. Next, Message (Directions) Next, (Friend) Message Receiver. By doing this their is filters example. Sender (You)-Sende...

Retail Employee Management-Assignment 2_02 Assignment

Retail Employee Management- 2_02 - Assignment Example The Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 was a bill introduced and sponsored by Senator Robert A. Taft and Representative Fred A. Hartley. Its main objective was to amend parts of the Wagner act of 1935 (International Association of Fire Chiefs, 2010). The bill stated proposed the following changes to the Wagner bill. It was illegal for trade unions to contribute funds towards a political campaign. The president had the mandate to appoint a special board of inquiry to investigate disputes among the trade unions if he thought the disagreements were a threat to national security. The bill (act) also required the union leaders to take oaths to prove they were not communists. After tense lobbing and opposition to the bill by President Harry S. Truman, the Senate went ahead and approved it on July 23, 1947. The Landrum-Griffin Act also known as the labor-management reporting and disclosure act was named after its sponsors` Representative Phillip M. Landrum and Senator Robert P. Griffin (International Association of Fire Chiefs, 2010). The act prevents corruption within the trade unions and to guarantee the union members that the affairs of the trade unions would be conducted democratically. It was after an investigation on union corruption and racketeering was done, and the results showed that some of the trade unionists were indeed corrupt and unscrupulous. President Dwight Eisenhower signed the bill into law in 1957. The Brynes act is a federal law that was enacted in 1936. It is also known as the Anti-breaking law. The act prevents the movement and transportation of strikebreakers. The act states it is a crime to employ an individual, who has engaged or resorted to using force during labor disputes. The use of threats and force is prohibited by the act. Some of the acts prohibited include stirring up violence and inciting fellow workers to violence. Offenders of the Byrne’s act are punished through fines and in cases of extreme

The Failure of the Peace Process in the Middle East Essay

The Failure of the Peace Process in the Middle East - Essay Example   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Amongst these were associates of the Palestinian government, as well as Yaseer Arafat himself, presenting their pity to the Engineer’s relatives. The Israeli officers were in touch with the Palestinian government bureaucrats, earlier to the assault and they in fact talked to one another regarding whether or not to go further on with this intended murder. Enderlin writes that Shimon Peres and his consultants thought that it would be excessively dangerous from a political point of view to miss the act, since if Ayyash were capable to accomplish the suicide bombing earlier than the future elections the opponent leader, would be proficient to articulate that they did not do something when they had the opportunity.  Ayyash murder was the start of a series of proceedings that would eventually direct to the conclusion of the Oslo agreements. Next to the huge interment, Hamas hit back in a sequence of vicious suicide bombings in Jerusalem. Under the situation, i t made logic for the Israeli community to choose Benyamin Netanyahu who assured the safety that they so desired. This is right. Right away next to Rabin’s murder, the Left in Israel was very sturdy and the suicide bombings did harm them at the ballots. Though, it was not an exact bombing only that directs to Peres overwhelm. One of the most amazing and disastrous features about Enderlin’s story is just how slam Barak and Arafat’s cooperation groups had come to fundamentally finalize an contracts.... Eventually, Enderlin writes that Shimon Peres and his consultants thought that it would be excessively dangerous from a political point of view to miss the act, since if Ayyash were capable to accomplish the suicide bombing earlier than the future elections, Benyamin Netanyahu, the opponent leader, would be proficient to articulate that they did not do something when they had the opportunity. Ayyash murder was the start of a series of proceedings that would eventually direct to the conclusion of the Oslo agreements. Next to the huge interment, Hamas hit back in a sequence of vicious suicide bombings in Jerusalem. Under the situation, it made logic for the Israeli community to choose Benyamin Netanyahu who assured the safety that they so desired. This is, in some way, right. Right away next to Rabin's murder, the Left in Israel was very sturdy and the suicide bombings did harm them at the ballots. Though, it was not an exact bombing only that directs to Peres overwhelm. The whole Arab-Israeli society, who would have with no hesitation chosen Peres, boycotted the elections in dispute of the horrifying disaster at Kfar Kana, where approximately 100 Lebanese inhabitants passed away owing to the disgusting carelessness of the Israeli armed forces.One of the most amazing and disastrous features about Enderlin's story is just how slam Barak and Arafat's cooperation groups had c ome to fundamentally finalize an contracts. Shattered Dreams the Failure of the Peace Process in the Middle East by Charles Enderlin 3 All of the things were in its place, President Clinton, who was on his way away of workplace,

Importance of the Marketing Concept to McDonalds Assignment

Importance of the Marketing Concept to McDonalds - Assignment Example Marketers can only offer service propositions, but their â€Å"value† depends on customers’ experiences and assessments. An organisation uses the marketing concept by interpreting customers’ needs through their values, beliefs, and practices, adopting this understanding to guide organisational vision, mission, and core values, and finally implementing it through intelligence gathering, sharing, and application, one of which is through the marketing mix. See Figure 1 for the Marketing Concept. Organisations use the marketing concept because they are aware that it has been empirically related to higher sales, profitability, product quality, success of new products/services, employee morale, and general performance (Ailawadi, et al., 2006; Shiu and Yu, 2010; van Triest, et al., 2009). Figure 1: The Marketing Concept Source: Nakata and Sivakumar (2001, p.256) MCDONALD’S: COMPANY OVERVIEW McDonald’s Corporation operates and franchises McDonald’s r estaurants in 119 countries. McDonald’s restaurants offer a standard menu, which includes, â€Å"McDonald’s menu includes hamburgers and cheeseburgers, Big Mac, Quarter Pounder with Cheese, Filet-O-Fish, several chicken sandwiches, Chicken McNuggets, Snack Wraps, French fries, salads, oatmeal, shakes, McFlurry desserts, sundaes, soft serve cones, pies, soft drinks, coffee, McCafe beverages and other beverages,† including local and limited-time products (Reuters.com, 2013). Furthermore, the company enjoys sustained growth with a global comparable sales growth of 3.1%. Sources showed that some of the target market’s needs and wants are: 1) the need to buy quick and tasty food for busy parents and businesspeople; 2) parents want to give treats to their... This discussion declares that the marketing concept has evolved significantly for the past sixty years. Most of the definitions of the marketing concept in the 1960s emphasise the relationship between organisations and customers, while current definitions in the twenty-first century seek to be more inclusive by embracing a stakeholder approach to defining and attaining â€Å"values†. As the paper stresses McDonald’s Corporation operates and franchises McDonald’s restaurants in 119 countries. McDonald’s restaurants offer a standard menu, which includes, â€Å"McDonald’s menu includes hamburgers and cheeseburgers, Big Mac, Quarter Pounder with Cheese, Filet-O-Fish, several chicken sandwiches, Chicken McNuggets, Snack Wraps, French fries, salads, oatmeal, shakes, McFlurry desserts, sundaes, soft serve cones, pies, soft drinks, coffee, McCafe beverages and other beverages,† including local and limited-time products. The company enjoys sustained growth with a global comparable sales growth of 3.1%. The marketing concept is relevant to McDonald’s because of its tools of competition analysis and 7Ps marketing mix. For competition, the next contender to having the biggest global market share is Yum! Brands, Inc. KFC is expanding its menu through adding wraps and local food, even vegetables for some Asian markets. Burger King and Wendy’s are updating their store designs and layout. Apart from competition analysis, McDonald’s can be examined further through its 7Ps marketing mix.

Argument on the Proposal about Prison Education Research Paper

Argument on the Proposal about Prison Education - Research Paper Example Emergent trends indicate that education greatly influences the attitudes as well as behaviors of the learners. The decision of the government to take away from 3000 student’s financial aid in order to provide education for the willing and able prisoners is a positive development that should be embraced. This can go a long way in addressing the problem of crime in a sustainable manner. A society that is educated tends to report less cases of crime. This is because most members of that society tend to follow the rules and regulations that govern that society. Educated individuals also tend to have a good grasp of the moral responsibility that the society thrusts upon them/ To begin with, a demographic review of the financial wellbeing of college students ascertains that most of them can afford the fundamental tuition fees (Freeman and Robbi 96). Thus they use the aid they receive from the government for their sustenance and other leisure needs such as entertainment. In this resp ect, it is certain that their basic needs are already catered for. For this reason, the extra financial help that they get from the government can be employed for other important purpose of educating the prisoners. Nothing is as elemental as providing education to the prisoners. To ensure optimal and satisfactory results, the government should undertake screening exercise to ensure that students benefiting from the relative funds actually deserve the help. Those students who deserve the financial aid from the government should not be denied the same as this can be counterproductive. The extra resources should then be channeled to educating willing prisoners. When the prisoners are educated, they are likely to walk out of the prisons changed people and this is the main aim of correctional institutions such as prisons. In his research, Clements posits that inmates who undergo education programs while in prison are unlikely to assume criminal activities upon completion (Clements 1477). Educating the inmates is vital in eradicating inmates and keeping them informed about the law. Statistical evidence ascertains that ignorance is the root cause of crime and criminal activities in the society. Through education, the inmates are also able to acquire good work habits, learn various skills and finally master professions. When these inmates come out of the prison they are able to engage in meaningful income generating activities, thereby contributing immensely towards the development of the society. Attainment of all these attributes eases the social integration process especially upon completion of their sentence. Although not all of them undergo the positive change, Williford contends that the percentage that attains the positive status is satisfactory (Williford 59). Financial statistics indicate that the government employs a significant percentage of resources on correctional measures and institutions. Indirectly, the tax payer contributes a great deal to the respec tive expenditure. Quality educational programs for inmates according to Vacca can be able to reduce and even reverse the aforementioned trends. Although the initial and running costs would be high, the ultimate results would be positive and lasting (Vacca 299). In particular, reduction of recidivism, rates of crimes and tax contributions would be more rewarding. Comparatively, this would be better than continuing to spend on college students who can afford their basic

Reflective Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Reflective - Essay Example The goal of the essay is reflecting on the learning experience in totality which will make me a comprehensively better practitioner. The nursing reflection in this case will be classified as a tool for importance in elemental learning. In its exclusion, it cannot be entirely expected to develop my clinical practice as I go into the previous situation which I gain the diversely relevant insights for ways in which approaching certain situations again is appropriate. Moreover, the effective form of learning does not overly occur in exclusion of reflection (Jasper 210). The initial comparison I will focus on making regards to neurological assessments. The physiotherapy assessments need to be clear logical processes of ensuring that findings for which there are both transferable and complete skills to others (Wheeler 28). For the placements, I sought to complete at least four comprehensive assessments on my own hence completing the concise objective and subjective investigations. In one o f the wards, I was expected to correctly complete such assessments while writing them up concisely and the feedback I got was that I had not reasoned clinically enough across the objective process that would later relay on the part of the treatment. From Florence Nightingale to the modern day form of nursing, it is inevitable to consider an escape for which nurses have while faced with challenges of being in a position of having a critical impact to the delivery and management of care. Such challenges continue changing across the years even though there is various factors which have insured that, all aspects ranging from the government level all the way to the ground work force coupled with the challenges are well managed and have a positive on change (Hendrick 201). This is based on the advanced of education in terms of having individuals wanting to implement such changes in place. In the long run, Florence was in a position of implementing changes while articulating and having the education of arguing the need for such changes with evidence and facts, across all levels. For today’s world, more pressure is towards nurses in delivering and managing total individualistic care for the ever fluctuating economic climates coupled with the role of nurses in going above and beyond the expectations of previous practice in cases where the wards could be ran by matriarchal matrons (Howatson-Jones 29). They passed their orders to the ‘sisters’ who later enforced them in the ward. The modern day nurses have become rather qualified autonomous professionals towards delivering care that also encompasses the fundamentals, evidence based theory, health promotion, intuition, interdisciplinary working, ethical practice, advocacy, self awareness, autonomy as well as legal frameworks. For this reason, it is through the clarity of the placement experiences for which there are various hours in a given shift for which nurses are able to provide the fundamental car e, liaise with doctors, referrals, observations, social workers, dressing changes, family members while other healthcare professionals as well as the patient themselves are able to include advocacy. For purposes of being in a position of doing this in an effective manner, I understand that nurses need to be skilled

OOO Et Al V. Commissioner of Metropolitan Police 2011 Essay

OOO Et Al V. Commissioner of Metropolitan Police 2011 - Essay Example The verdict was that the officers acting as agents of the defendant, had neglected the aspects of investigating on the issue of contention. The issue of contention involved the claims of human trafficking as well as the duties and the powers of the police. The issue involved the claim that the claimants had been exposed to degrading, inhuman treatment, besides being held under servitude and forced compliance. Following the suit, each of the claimants was awarded a cash retribution of 5,000 as non-pecuniary compensation (Benitez et al. 2010). Discussion The case in question was the first of its kind, to be heard in England and the South Whales, especially due to its scope. The case was questioning the scope of the duties and obligations of police officers, with regard to investigating reported instances of the violations of article 3 and 4 of the ECHR. The case involved the abuse faced by four Nigerian women, previously trafficked into the U.K, while still below the age of eighteen â €“ to be used for domestic servitude. The four women had brought a claim against the commissioner of police in charge of the Metropolis, demanding compensation – for the failure of carrying out investigations into the intelligence of the cases presented to the police years back, regarding the illegal trafficking and forced servitude at North London. The Metropolitan Police Unit consented of having received the reports of the breach of the human rights of the four women, as per the provisions of article 3 and 4 of the ECHR. However, the Metropolitan Police disputed the fact that the officers had breached the rights of the claimants, as a result of their failure to investigate the authenticity of the claims of the four women. However, there was no question regarding whether the duty to investigate was demanded under articles 3 and 4 of the ECHR, but, whether the failure to investigate constituted the breach of the duty (Williams & U.N. General Assembly 1981). In deciding th e breach to act on the cases of the women, Mr. Williams evaluated in details – the evidence provided and the background information offered by the four women and other present witnesses. These witnesses included the police unit, and all the police officers engaged in the reporting of the matter or involved in evaluating the cases of the four women at some point in time. One of the claimants had also challenged the Metropolitan Police Service to offer her retribution damages amounting to ?25,000, to which they consented. The MPS also expressed regret to her, over their failure to offer the basic standards in examining the circumstances surrounding her plight, which she had reported at the Southgate police station in 2004. Mr. William also considered the conditions surrounding the cases of the three other Nigerian women – who were not party to the ?25,000 case – claiming that they had undergone similar human rights abuse, and had reported the issues to the police. The police had done nothing about their cases (Ovey &White 2006). In the same case, in November 2008 – the four claimants had ordered their solicitor to address the MPS, requiring them to carry out criminal investigations into the case, against the people involved in the abuse of the claimants. In December 2008, the MPS consented to the responsibility of undertaking the investigation into the issues surrounding the human rights abuse of the four. According to the case, it was confirmed that

Argument on the Proposal about Prison Education Research Paper

Argument on the Proposal about Prison Education - Research Paper Example Emergent trends indicate that education greatly influences the attitudes as well as behaviors of the learners. The decision of the government to take away from 3000 student’s financial aid in order to provide education for the willing and able prisoners is a positive development that should be embraced. This can go a long way in addressing the problem of crime in a sustainable manner. A society that is educated tends to report less cases of crime. This is because most members of that society tend to follow the rules and regulations that govern that society. Educated individuals also tend to have a good grasp of the moral responsibility that the society thrusts upon them/ To begin with, a demographic review of the financial wellbeing of college students ascertains that most of them can afford the fundamental tuition fees (Freeman and Robbi 96). Thus they use the aid they receive from the government for their sustenance and other leisure needs such as entertainment. In this resp ect, it is certain that their basic needs are already catered for. For this reason, the extra financial help that they get from the government can be employed for other important purpose of educating the prisoners. Nothing is as elemental as providing education to the prisoners. To ensure optimal and satisfactory results, the government should undertake screening exercise to ensure that students benefiting from the relative funds actually deserve the help. Those students who deserve the financial aid from the government should not be denied the same as this can be counterproductive. The extra resources should then be channeled to educating willing prisoners. When the prisoners are educated, they are likely to walk out of the prisons changed people and this is the main aim of correctional institutions such as prisons. In his research, Clements posits that inmates who undergo education programs while in prison are unlikely to assume criminal activities upon completion (Clements 1477). Educating the inmates is vital in eradicating inmates and keeping them informed about the law. Statistical evidence ascertains that ignorance is the root cause of crime and criminal activities in the society. Through education, the inmates are also able to acquire good work habits, learn various skills and finally master professions. When these inmates come out of the prison they are able to engage in meaningful income generating activities, thereby contributing immensely towards the development of the society. Attainment of all these attributes eases the social integration process especially upon completion of their sentence. Although not all of them undergo the positive change, Williford contends that the percentage that attains the positive status is satisfactory (Williford 59). Financial statistics indicate that the government employs a significant percentage of resources on correctional measures and institutions. Indirectly, the tax payer contributes a great deal to the respec tive expenditure. Quality educational programs for inmates according to Vacca can be able to reduce and even reverse the aforementioned trends. Although the initial and running costs would be high, the ultimate results would be positive and lasting (Vacca 299). In particular, reduction of recidivism, rates of crimes and tax contributions would be more rewarding. Comparatively, this would be better than continuing to spend on college students who can afford their basic